Topic:
How do the evaluation standards set for minority non-English speaking students in comparison to minority English speaking students have an impact on their success? What is the success rate of minorities that have come to this country having already experienced the education systems of their native countries, versus the success rate of minorities that have solely been educated in the United States?
Interview Questions:
-What are the racial demographics within the school? (students, teachers)
-What types of tests are administered OR how are incoming non-English speaking students evaluated?
-Are there differences in class schedules between minority non-English speaking and minority English speaking students? What might these differences be?
-An overview of the ESL program /Are there sufficient resources for non-English speaking programs? (ESL)
-How is the progress of minority non-English speaking students monitored?
-Do these students become involved in activities with non-English speaking students? /How many minority non-English and minority English speaking students participate in extracurricular activities? (academic, sports)
-How involved are the parents of these students in supporting their educational growth? /How involved are the parents of these students in supporting their extracurricular activities?
-What is transfer rate of non-English speaking students to and from bi-lingual schools? Reasons for transfer on part of students and/or teachers.
-What is this success rate of students that have entered school as minority non-English speaking?
-What is the success rate of minority English speaking students?
-Comparison charts of classes and activities that minority non-English speaking students and minority English speaking students are enrolled in.
Monday, March 30, 2009
Tuesday, March 24, 2009
Ogbu, J.U., and Simons, H.D. (Jun., 1998). Voluntary and Involuntary Minorities: A Cultural- Ecological Theory of School Performance with Some Implications for Education. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 29(2), 155-188.
This article seeks to provide more detail and perhaps clarify three key issues that Ogbu has presented in past studies. The authors begin by describing Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory of minority school performance. They then break down minorities into the following categories: autonomous, voluntary (immigrant), and involuntary (nonimmigrant). These classifications are used to explore the differences in school performance among these groups. The final issue they address is the pedagogical implications that can be derived from the theory. They note that an understanding of the nature of the problem will offer better insight when creating strategies to improve learning.
White, M.J. and Glick, J.E. (Dec., 2000). Generation Status, Social Capital, and the Routes out of High School. Sociological Forum, 15(4), 671-691.
The study described in this article examines the participation differences in “human capital enhancing activities” among immigrants and those born in the United States. This longitudinal study focused on collecting data that measured the influence of generation status, human capital and social capital on high school sophomores. It then uses this data to study whether these characteristics have an influence on the routes taken by adolescents that have dropped out after two years of high school.
Trueba, H.T. (Sep., 1988). Culturally Based Explanations of Minority Students’ Academic Achievement. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 19(3), 270-287.
This article reveals the need to acknowledge and incorporate the role of culture into the learning environment. Trueba examines past macro- versus micro-, and explanatory versus applied ethnographic research to make the point that differences in achievement within and between minority groups cannot be attributed solely to societal forces. He also discusses the stereotyping taxonomy of minority groups and argues that the minority categories created do not explain the different responses found between individuals of a same group that have been affected by the same social and economical circumstances. Finally, he stresses the importance of a socioculturally based theory of achievement.
Montero-Sieburth, M. and LaCelle-Peterson, M. (Dec., 1991). Immigration and Schooling: An Ethnohistorical Account of Policy and Family Perspectives in an Urban Community. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 22(4), 300-325.
This article addresses the misconceptions that developed through the years that have suggested that in the past immigrants that came to United States somehow learned English without the help of special programs. The study focuses in on reviewing the historical documentation of urban communities during 1890 to 1920 and 1970 to 1990, particularly “the historical and contemporary schooling policies that were used to integrate immigrants in a local urban community”. The authors then examine the reconsideration of “commonsense” notions that have dominated views about immigration and language acquisition.
Gitlin, A., BuendÃa, E., Crosland, K. & Doumbia, F. (Spring, 2003). The Production of Margin and Center: Welcoming-Unwelcoming of Immigrant Students. American Educational Research Journal, 40(1), 91-122.
The study discussed in this article focuses on Kousanar Middle School and examines how immigrant students are caught in contradictory circumstances which welcome them, while at the same time unwelcome them into the school system. The authors of this article focus in on exploring various elements outside the classroom to better understand the impact they have on the students’ place within the school. The study begins by researching the history of the school, and its English as a second language (ESL) programs in which these students are enrolled. This revealed that a foundation of marginalization was already in place before this study began. The study then looked into the roles of the school system, the teachers, the community and even the students’ parents in enforcing these policies and practices. Keys factors found included breaking the racial barriers of a historically all white school, the lack of ESL curriculum materials, large class size, and the parents’ role in enforcing the assimilationist policies and practices imposed on the students. It was concluded that the placement of these students into ESL programs while including these students into the school system, they also excluded them by not allowing them to become an equal part of the school. This shows how these programs actually place these students at the margins, not allowing them to be viewed and, consequently, fully integrated into the school system with all of its benefits. This article is very insightful in that it highlights factors outside of the classroom that often get overlooked, but prove to be crucial in the way these students develop within the school.
This article seeks to provide more detail and perhaps clarify three key issues that Ogbu has presented in past studies. The authors begin by describing Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory of minority school performance. They then break down minorities into the following categories: autonomous, voluntary (immigrant), and involuntary (nonimmigrant). These classifications are used to explore the differences in school performance among these groups. The final issue they address is the pedagogical implications that can be derived from the theory. They note that an understanding of the nature of the problem will offer better insight when creating strategies to improve learning.
White, M.J. and Glick, J.E. (Dec., 2000). Generation Status, Social Capital, and the Routes out of High School. Sociological Forum, 15(4), 671-691.
The study described in this article examines the participation differences in “human capital enhancing activities” among immigrants and those born in the United States. This longitudinal study focused on collecting data that measured the influence of generation status, human capital and social capital on high school sophomores. It then uses this data to study whether these characteristics have an influence on the routes taken by adolescents that have dropped out after two years of high school.
Trueba, H.T. (Sep., 1988). Culturally Based Explanations of Minority Students’ Academic Achievement. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 19(3), 270-287.
This article reveals the need to acknowledge and incorporate the role of culture into the learning environment. Trueba examines past macro- versus micro-, and explanatory versus applied ethnographic research to make the point that differences in achievement within and between minority groups cannot be attributed solely to societal forces. He also discusses the stereotyping taxonomy of minority groups and argues that the minority categories created do not explain the different responses found between individuals of a same group that have been affected by the same social and economical circumstances. Finally, he stresses the importance of a socioculturally based theory of achievement.
Montero-Sieburth, M. and LaCelle-Peterson, M. (Dec., 1991). Immigration and Schooling: An Ethnohistorical Account of Policy and Family Perspectives in an Urban Community. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 22(4), 300-325.
This article addresses the misconceptions that developed through the years that have suggested that in the past immigrants that came to United States somehow learned English without the help of special programs. The study focuses in on reviewing the historical documentation of urban communities during 1890 to 1920 and 1970 to 1990, particularly “the historical and contemporary schooling policies that were used to integrate immigrants in a local urban community”. The authors then examine the reconsideration of “commonsense” notions that have dominated views about immigration and language acquisition.
Gitlin, A., BuendÃa, E., Crosland, K. & Doumbia, F. (Spring, 2003). The Production of Margin and Center: Welcoming-Unwelcoming of Immigrant Students. American Educational Research Journal, 40(1), 91-122.
The study discussed in this article focuses on Kousanar Middle School and examines how immigrant students are caught in contradictory circumstances which welcome them, while at the same time unwelcome them into the school system. The authors of this article focus in on exploring various elements outside the classroom to better understand the impact they have on the students’ place within the school. The study begins by researching the history of the school, and its English as a second language (ESL) programs in which these students are enrolled. This revealed that a foundation of marginalization was already in place before this study began. The study then looked into the roles of the school system, the teachers, the community and even the students’ parents in enforcing these policies and practices. Keys factors found included breaking the racial barriers of a historically all white school, the lack of ESL curriculum materials, large class size, and the parents’ role in enforcing the assimilationist policies and practices imposed on the students. It was concluded that the placement of these students into ESL programs while including these students into the school system, they also excluded them by not allowing them to become an equal part of the school. This shows how these programs actually place these students at the margins, not allowing them to be viewed and, consequently, fully integrated into the school system with all of its benefits. This article is very insightful in that it highlights factors outside of the classroom that often get overlooked, but prove to be crucial in the way these students develop within the school.
Monday, March 9, 2009
Culture Collage:
My family and loved ones are the theme for my culture collage because the bonds that we share are a very important part of my life. When I was young, home was a three-story building with family on each floor. I have countless memories of birthday parties with my cousins, summers playing in the backyard, and even waking up to the sounds of my parents having breakfast with my aunts and uncles. My parents were pretty strict, so having my cousins nearby helped balance things out. I loved every minute of it, but by the time I reached high school, everybody had moved away.
Since before I can even remember, my parents would always take us to the motherland, in our case Chile. The close relationships I have with my cousins have most likely been shaped by the close relationships my parents have maintained with their generation of family. When we were young, my cousins and I would only see each other once a year. Now that we’re older we’ve gotten a lot closer thanks to the internet and the occasional trips overseas. Two major similarities that we have found in our home lives are, one: all of our parents were incredibly strict, and two: we all have a strong religious background (with the majority being Christian and there are also a few Catholics).
As it would turn out, most of my friends after high school are Hispanic, mainly South American. I guess I can attribute this to the strong connection I feel with them because of the similarities in our cultural backgrounds. Something that always seemed to surprise them was that I had never lived outside of the United States. Until I corrected them, everybody always assumed that I was born in Chile or that at some point in my life I must have lived there. We all pretty much listen to the same type of music, and of course soccer is the major, and in some cases, the only sport of choice. The most North American thing they have found about me is my interest in baseball. The friendships that I have made have allowed me to feel like myself without the backlash of feeling like an outsider. But eventually as was the case with my family, my closest friends have also moved back to South America. Like my family, we stay connected thru the internet, phone, and the occasional visit.
I think that the most important thing that my family and friends have taught me is the importance of having a strong bond. Some things in life are temporary or short lived, but this type of bond is constant remains strong through distance and time.
My family and loved ones are the theme for my culture collage because the bonds that we share are a very important part of my life. When I was young, home was a three-story building with family on each floor. I have countless memories of birthday parties with my cousins, summers playing in the backyard, and even waking up to the sounds of my parents having breakfast with my aunts and uncles. My parents were pretty strict, so having my cousins nearby helped balance things out. I loved every minute of it, but by the time I reached high school, everybody had moved away.
Since before I can even remember, my parents would always take us to the motherland, in our case Chile. The close relationships I have with my cousins have most likely been shaped by the close relationships my parents have maintained with their generation of family. When we were young, my cousins and I would only see each other once a year. Now that we’re older we’ve gotten a lot closer thanks to the internet and the occasional trips overseas. Two major similarities that we have found in our home lives are, one: all of our parents were incredibly strict, and two: we all have a strong religious background (with the majority being Christian and there are also a few Catholics).
As it would turn out, most of my friends after high school are Hispanic, mainly South American. I guess I can attribute this to the strong connection I feel with them because of the similarities in our cultural backgrounds. Something that always seemed to surprise them was that I had never lived outside of the United States. Until I corrected them, everybody always assumed that I was born in Chile or that at some point in my life I must have lived there. We all pretty much listen to the same type of music, and of course soccer is the major, and in some cases, the only sport of choice. The most North American thing they have found about me is my interest in baseball. The friendships that I have made have allowed me to feel like myself without the backlash of feeling like an outsider. But eventually as was the case with my family, my closest friends have also moved back to South America. Like my family, we stay connected thru the internet, phone, and the occasional visit.
I think that the most important thing that my family and friends have taught me is the importance of having a strong bond. Some things in life are temporary or short lived, but this type of bond is constant remains strong through distance and time.
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